A rosy Lotus for Antinoos
Μεταφέρω πληροφορίες και ένα ποίημα του Alan Seeger για τον Αντίνοο. Η τέχνη στην υπηρεσία της θρησκείας και της λαϊκής παράδοσης. Χωρίς άλλα σχόλια
Πειραιάς 22/9/2018
AStretched on a sunny bank he lay at rest,
Ferns at his elbow, lilies round his knees,
With sweet flesh patterned where the cool turf pressed,
Flowerlike crept o'er with emerald aphides.
Single he couched there, to his circling flocks
Piping at times some happy shepherd's tune,
Nude, with the warm wind in his golden locks,
And arched with the blue Asian afternoon.
Past him, gorse-purpled, to the distant coast
Rolled the clear foothills. There his white-walled town,
There, a blue band, the placid Euxine lay.
Beyond, on fields of azure light embossed
He watched from noon till dewy eve came down
The summer clouds pile up and fade away
Comments
about Antinous by Alan Seeger
There is no comment
submitted by members..
·
·
·
·
User Rating:
2,7 / 5 ( 27 votes
) 0
Read
this poem in other languages
This poem
has not been translated into any other language yet.
What
do you think this poem is about?
For
Example: love, art, fashion, friendship and etc.
Poem
Submitted: Thursday, January 1, 2004
Poems ›
Alan
Seeger's Other Poems
ANTINOOS A
rosy lotus for Antinoos. Hadrian, Egypt and Roman religions Roberta Mazza,
University of Manchester roberta.mazza@manchester.ac.uk www.robertamazza.com
The story of Hadrian and Antinoos has been told many times and in many
different ways. Already historians and intellectuals living in the years just
after those events took place were demonstrating a curiosity (very often a
morbid curiosity) for the story of the drowning and transformation into a
divine being of the emperor’s young lover. For a wider audience of people of
our age the most notable attempt to catch the meaning of what happened remains
Marguerite Yourcenar’s Memoire d’Hadrien, the fascinating autobiography this
splendid writer imagined Hadrian addressed to Marcus Aurelius (Slide 1).
Marguerite Yourcenar published her book in 1951, and she was aware of only some
of the sources that the desert sands of Egypt had preserved as a part of those
memories she was reconstructing as fiction. We can easily compare the beginning
of Yourcenar’s Memoire d’Hadrien with P. Fayum 19 addressed not to Marcus
Aurelius, but probably to Antoninus Pius, the immediate successor of
Hadrian--Yourcenar indeed knew the papyrus. (Slide 2) The text reads: Imperator
Caesar Hadrianus Augustus to his highly-esteemed Antoninus, greeting. Above all
I would like you to know that I am being released from life neither untimely
nor unreasonably, pitiably, unexpectedly or with faculties impaired, though –
as I have perceived – I thus may appear to do you wrong, you who sits at my
bedside, never ceases to comfort me and urges me to hold on. Consequently I
feel compelled to write you the following, not, by Zeus, to cunningly paint
some vulgar picture stretching the truth, but to give a straightforward and
accurate account of the facts themselves (...). My natural father was taken ill
and died as a private citizen at forty, hence I have survived him by more than
half his age; I have approximately reached the same age as my mother, who lived
to be sixty. I am presently in my (sixty-third) year... Of course this text is
per se a source of interest, and scholars have been debated if this was the
real autobiography of Hadrian or an exercise pretending to be a letter of
Hadrian to Antoninus, composed by a student in rhetoric (the first being
currently the widest accepted hypothesis). Ancient authors testified that the
emperor had an interest in literature not only as a reader, but also as a
writer; Cassius Dio asserts that Hadrian wrote his version of the death of
Antinous and the Historia Augusta transmitted his famous Latin verses (Slide
3): Sweet little soul, fickle, yet cuddlesome, My body’s guest in close
companionship, into what regions art thou fitting now, thy little self so
naked, pale and cold– Forgetting all the fun we used to have Animula vagula
blandula, Hospes comesque corporis Qua nunc abibis in loca Pallidula, rigida,
nudula, Nec, ut soles, dabis iocos.... However, few people know about the
autobiography’s papyrus, which is interesting not only as a testimony of the
emperor’s prose, but because it adds information on the way texts like this one
were copied, read and spread in the provinces of the empire. (Slide 4) In the
Fayyum village of Backhias, on the verso of a tax-list, a teacher wrote the
lines I read and then a student copied this piece as a writing exercise: so
pervasive was the presence of the emperors and so obsessive was the interest of
the inhabitants of the Roman empire in their life... Egypt has preserved a
number of sources regarding many facets of the relationship between Hadrian and
Egypt and they will be at the centre of my talk. I will try to re-tell once
again what might have happened on the Nile during Hadrian's visit in the
country but from another perspective, as a bottom-up story. Bottom up because
papyri are the only ancient source that have transmitted traces of ordinary
peoples’ life, like this school exercise. I will concentrate my attention on
what Egyptian sands preserved about those facts -- both the imperial visit and
what consequences it provoked in the country and more generally in Rome and her
empire - - and I will try to point out the connections between the institution
of the cult of Antinoos and the spiritual climate of an age which saw many
transformations in Roman religions, an age in which, for instance, Christianity
started a parting the ways from Judaism. Hadrian has been called the “restless
emperor”. While the majority of his predecessors and immediate successors moved
from Rome only for leading wars or going on vacation in some luxurious villas
nearby Rome, Hadrian spent more time travelling than in the capital. This
strategy about travelling was surely linked to the emperor’s ability as a
general, but it also corresponded to a precise ideological strategy on how to
rule an empire that was at its maximum extension. Hadrian was trying to solve a
number of tensions already going on under his predecessor Trajan. During his
travels he basically spent his time in three main occupations: war or, more
often, related activities, founding or re-founding cities, taking an active part
in cultural and religious activities. This scheme applies also to his Egyptian
trip. The journey has been part of a longer Eastern tour that started in 128.
Papyri attest that already in 129 the local population had to pay a tax in
order to prepare food and provisions for the imperial visit. As we know from a
text coming from Oxyrhynchus (SB VI 9617), Horion, the village scribe of
Tholthis, writes that year to his strategos giving the list of goods stored by
his district: barley, hay, bundle, sucking-pigs, pigs, sheep, radish-oil,
chaff, lentils and others...other documents attest the involvement of the local
elite in all these matters. We may see the imperial administrative machine at
work from centres to peripheries. Hadrian and his court entered into Egypt from
the East in August 130. The first action the emperor promoted was the
restoration of Pompey’s tomb at Canopus. This event has been read by scholars
as a tribute to Roman traditional leaders, but it undoubtedly had a deeper
meaning. Dio Cassius (Epitome LXIX, 11,1 cfr. Hist. Aug. Hadr. 14,4) reports
(slide 7): After this (Greece and Eleusis mysteries initiation) he passed
through Judaea into Egypt and offered sacrifice to Pompey, concerning whom he
is said to have uttered this verse: “Strange lack of tomb for one with shrines
o’erwhelmed!” (one more attestation of his love for letters, by the way) And he
restored his monument (to mnema), which had fallen into ruin.” As a matter of
fact a passage of Appianus (Civil Wars II, 90), the eyewitness historian of the
the so-called Diaspora Jews war of 115-118, refers to the construction of the
monument just after Pompey's death and adds an interesting detail (slide 8):
“Caesar could not bear to look at the head of Pompey when it was brought to
him, but ordered that it be buried, and set apart for it a small plot of ground
near the city which was dedicated to Nemesis, but in my time, while the Roman
emperor Trajan was exterminating the Jewish race in Egypt, it was devastated by
the same Jews in the exigencies of the war”. So the bad state of the tomb was
precisely due to those Jewish troubles, which took place while Hadrian was
following Trajan as a general and then became governor of Syria right before
being proclaimed emperor in 118. We will come back again to the restoration of
Pompey's tomb later, at the end of the paper. But let's move on to the summer
of 130. After entering the country from the east, Hadrian must have first spent
some time in the city of Alexandria being informed by the governor on the situation
of the province and enjoying the cultural atmosphere of the megalopolis. As I
said before, the emperor’s love for arts and literature is proverbial: he was
not only a benefactor in these fields, but he himself was writing prose and
verses (as for Pompey on Canopus) and seemed even to have modelled and painted
(Dio Cassius LXIX, 3; Hist. Aug. Hadr. 16). We can easily imagine him involved
in the activities of the Museion (we know that he improved the local libraries)
and conversing with philosophers, literati and artists. An Egyptian
intellectual and writer, Athenaeus of Naukratis, who wrote the Philosophers at
the banquet in the first decades of the III century, mentions in his work
Pankrates, one of the poets Hadrian met in Alexandria. This Pankrates,
according to Athenaeus, wrote a lyric to celebrate a hunting episode which took
place in the Lybian desert, involving Hadrian and Antinoos (Deipn. XV, 677
e-f). Hadrian loved hunting. In Asia Minor he even founded a city in honour of
his passion, Hadrianoutherai. His love for horses and dogs that followed him in
his enterprises was recorded on tomb inscriptions, as happened before with
Alexander the Great. In Lybia – Athenaeus writes – the emperor killed a
terrifying giant lion and according to Pancrates’ poem on the very spot where
the blood of the beast poured a rosy lotus blossomed. That flower was named
after Antinoos, and in Alexandria from then onwards there was a wreath made by
those flowers called Antinoeios. So Antinoos probably was a hunter companion of
the emperor. Art historians propose to identify with Antinous one (or possibly
more) of the figures depicted in the Hadrianic tondi reused for the Arch of
Constantine (slides 9-12). The active role as hunter companion of the emperor
seems to be confirmed by the reading of the so called ‘Lion Hunt Poem’
preserved on a papyrus from Oxyrhynchus, dated on palaeographical basis in the
same II cent. (slide 13). And swifter than the horse of Adrastus, which once
saved the king as he fled...in battle-throng, such was the steed whereon
Antinous sat in wait for the deadly lion, holding in his left hand the
bridle-rein and in his right a spear shod with adamant. First Hadrian his brass
fitted spear wounded the beast but slew him not, for of purpose he missed the
mark, wishing to test to the full the sureness of aim of his beauteous
Antinous, son of the Argus-slayer. Stricken, the beast was yet more aroused,
and tore up in his wrath the rough ground with his paws, and dust rising in a
cloud dimmed the light of the sun. (slide 14) He raged even as the wave of the
surging sea When Zephyrus is stirred forth after the wind of Strumon. Straight
he rushed upon them both, scourging with his tail, his haunches and sides While
his eyes, beneath his brows, flashed dreadful fire; and from his ravening jaws
the foam showered to the earth as his teeth gnashed within. On his mighty head
and shaggy neck the hair stood bristling. On his limbs it was bushy as trees,
and on his back...it was like whetted spear points. In such wise he came
against the glorious god, upon Antinous Like Typhoeus of old against Zeus,
slayer of giants The story and the material aspect of this papyrus, as in the
case of the Autobiography’s piece, is adding information on people living in II
century CE Egypt and their relationship with both literature and empire. (slide
15) In the winter of 1906 while digging Oxyrhynchus rubbish heaps Grenfell and
Hunt, the so-called Dioscuri from Oxford and founding fathers of papyrology,
found a glass bottle (slide 16). Someone in antiquity wrapped a sheet of
papyrus on the mouth of it maybe hoping to protect the content from dust or
heat...who knows... (slide 17) A cursive hand of the II cent. CE copied these
verses recounting of Hadrian and Antinous while hunting the lion. Hunt
recognized in these fragments Pancrates’ poem. From 1911 (the year of P. Oxy.
XI, 1085 publication) onwards other fragmentary verses honouring Antinoos came
out from Oxyrhynchus mounds and specialists are now more cautious in relating
them to Pancrates. What they surely attest is how rooted and popular was the
cult and memory of the deified young lover of the emperor. The role of Antinoos
in hunting with Hadrian is recorded again in P. Oxy. 4352, a fragmentary
papyrus that bears 17 lines of a poem to be recited in a poetic competition at
the Capitoline games in Oxyrhynchus or in Antinoupolis around 285 (slide
18-19): She rejoiced to find the ransom for the life of Antinous, memorial of
his hunt, palm of his victory...I revere Narcissus, your shadowy reflection
(?); I shed a tear for Hyacinthus, who (grasped?) the cruel discus; I pity your
hunting of the wild beast, (Adonis?). Yet the meadow of Antinous and his lovely
(new flower?) (envy, hold in awe?) not pool, not fatal discus, not (boar?). The
nymphs (began to crown their tresses?) with the flower named after Antinous,
which to this day preserves (?) the mighty spear of the hunter. To (into?) the
Nile he hurried for purification of the blood of the lion, but the Moon upon
more brilliant hopes bade him shine as a star(-like) bridegroom and garlanding
the new light with a circle she (took him for her husband?). A city was the
gift of Hadrian, an island that of the Nile: the one lies rich in vines besides
its sweet neighbour, the other (welcoming) the chosen flower of Achaea, has
been crowned for its harbours as champion of the plain. Until a few years ago
the embarrassing deification and cult of Antinoos was seen like the passage of
a comet: scholars tended to interpret it as restricted to the eight years between
the death of the young man (130) and the death of Hadrian (138). The common
opinion was that almost all the coins minted and the statue and temples built
for honouring Antinoos dated to that range of time, as a reaction of local
elite to a stimulus coming from the centre (the emperor). But recent studies
analysing these materials, in particular the statues, have proved that the cult
spread all over the provinces of the Roman empire and lasted well beyond
Hadrian’s death in 138. The persistence of games and competition in honour of
Antinous in the III century CE goes in the same direction, moreover starting
from the second half of the II and continuing for all the III and IV century a
number of Christian writers, from Justin to Athanasius, were repeatedly writing
against the cult: all these testimonies stand for a long lasting, very popular
cult. While his cult was not a flashing star at all, Antinous on the contrary
became a star, as the poem considered above attests. According to Cassius Dio
“he (i.e. Hadrian) said that he saw a certain star which he took to be that of
Antinous, and merrily listened to his story-spinning associates when they told
him that the star had actually resulted from the spirit of Antinous and had
appeared first at that time.” But let us go back to the details of the Nile
trip. (Slide 20) In October 130, while sailing towards the south Antinoos
drowned in the Nile probably in proximity of Hermopolis. We will never be able
to know how this happened...and after all this is not so important. For
historians is much more interesting to analyze how this death has been
transformed by the emperor and the imperial elite into a new cult and how the
event has been interpreted by intellectuals and perceived by the inhabitants of
the empire. Official calendars fixed the date of the foundation of
Antinoopolis, the city built by the emperor to honour his beloved companion, on
October 30. In the second half of this month two main Egyptian festivals
occurred: October 22 was the day of the Nile festival, and on October 24,
Egyptians commemorated the death of Osiris, the god who drowned into the river.
The link with this god must have been immediately clear not only to the
Egyptians, but also to a wider population of the Roman empire used to ‘foreign’
cults, as the Egyptian ones. Antinoos will appear as Osiris in the mausoleum or
heroon built by the emperor in his residence in Tivoli (slide 21); the Pincio
obelisk in Rome, whose provenance is questioned between Egypt and Tivoli,
describes the cult due to Antinoos-Osiris (slide 22). Pausanias, who flourished
under Hadrian, wrote that he never saw Antinous while alive but “...I have seen
him in statues and pictures”. The image of this young man was spread all over
the territories of the empire. Cassius Dio noted: “and he (Hadrian) put up
statues, or better, religious images (agalmata), of Antinous pretty much all
over the inhabited world.” Indeed Antinous statues are the most attested ones
among Roman sculpted portraits. Recent researches have tried to reassess the
status quaestionis on the attribution of this corpus that anyway remains
impressive. It would also be interesting to know better the functions of these
statues: how many were displayed in private contexts? How many were cult
images, as it seems foreshadowed by Cassius Dio’s statement? What did people
really think about this young man loved by the emperor, drowning in the Nile to
resurrect as a god? Once again papyri might help. A magic manual attributes the
powers of a spell to a prophet of Heliopolis, Pachrates, who revealed the same
spell to the emperor Hadrian (PGM IV 2441-2621, 2450 on Hadrian). This magical
spell was so successful, the writer says, that the emperor accorded to
Pachrates a double fees. (slide 23) “Pachrates, the prophet of Heliopolis,
revealed it (i.e. the spell) to the emperor Hadrian, revealing the power of his
own divine magic. For it attracted in one hour; it destroyed in 7 hours, sent
the emperor himself dreams as he thoroughly tested the whole truth of the magic
within his power. And marveling at the prophet, he ordered double fees to be
given to him. (slide 24) Take a field mouse and deify it in spring water (lit.
put it into spring water, i.e. drown it). And take two moon beetles and deify
them in river water, and take a river crab and fat of a dappled goat that is
virgin and dung of a dog-faced baboon, 2 eggs of an ibis, 2 drams of storax, 2
drams of myrrh, 2 drams of crocus, 4 drams of Italian galingale, four drams of
uncut frankincense, a single onion. (slide 25) Put all these things onto a
mortar with the mouse and the remaining items and, after pounding thoroughly,
place in a lead box and keep it for use. And whenever you want to perform a
rite, take a little, make a charcoal fire, go up on a lofty roof and make the offering
as you say this spell at moon rise, and at once she comes.” Then the papyrus
reports the spell itself and more instructions on the performances to follow in
case the magician wanted to cause illness, to destroy, to send dreams or to
receive dream revelations. In magical papyri, Antinous is often cited as a
nuktodaimon, a spirit of the night, who appeared in people’s dreams, or was
evocated in magical formulas, two points clearly linked with the modalities of
his death in the Nile and subsequent resurrection as a deified entity. Origen’s
Contra Celsum, and other Christian sources confirm this role as daimon in
people’s religious practices. Antinoos was not the only one who died during the
Egyptian trip and Hadrian was not the only one who wrote verses in those days.
Women accompanied Hadrian in Egypt, among them his wife, Sabina, and his
sister, Paulina, who died and despite the critique of some ancient authors, was
deified as well as Antinoos. We know the name of a third woman who was part of
the group, Julia Balbilla. Julia Balbilla is a very interesting personality:
her father was a descendant of the royal family of Commagenes, while the mother
came from a Greco-Egyptian aristocratic family, whose members counted imperial
friendships and high ranking positions in the administration of the province
for generations. Coming to Memnon’s colossi (slide 26), Balbilla, who received
a high level education probably in keeping with the literate tradition attested
for members of her maternal family, composed four epigrams in aeolic Greek -
the language of Sappho - which are incised on the leg of one of the statues.
But let’s come back to Antinoos’ cult. The ubiquity of Antinoos image – a pair
with the ubiquity of the emperor's image – brings us to a more general,
conclusive, point: the relationship between religion and politics in pre-modern
societies. The success of the cult of Antinoos, a success which to some extent
is still continuing as Yourcenar's book and more recent Museums exhibits attest
-- not to speak about strange phenomena on the web as a ‘Ecclesia Antinoi’
(sic) with a temple which seems to be located in Hollywood, California (slide
27) -- has been due to his capacity to take many different shapes in the
different contexts of the Roman empire. For the literate elite, Antinoos
recalled ancient myths as celebrated in epic poems (as for instance the Homeric
Achilles and Patroclos, or the young male gods recalled in the poems we've just
read) or in Hellenistic poetry (above all the Callimachean composition
honouring Berenike's lock--wife of Ptolemy III 246-221-- transformed in a
constellation after a vow of the queen). For the less literate masses, the
image of the beloved young man acquired nonetheless that powerful attraction of
young handsome creatures who were touched by fame and power –– in this case the
intimacy with the holiest human being, the Roman emperor –– and died still
young, leaving behind an unforgettable and persistent memory. At a closer
scrutiny, Hadrian’s religious program fitted perfectly within his authoritarian
policy. Ancient sources portrayed Hadrian under a better light in comparison to
other emperors; blinded by the splendour of the white marbles of Antinoos and
Hadrian’s statues, and overwhelmed by masterpieces as the Pantheon or Castel
Sant’Angelo (former mausoleum of Hadrian) we tend to forget that this emperor
was an autocrat, and ancient Romans were living under an authoritarian and very
often brutal regime. The sources we analyzed so far demonstrate a clear attempt
of the emperor to control the masses through a complex, pervasive and generally
successful propaganda. Antinoos is actually a part of a much more articulated
picture: Hadrian was trying to take control over the multifaceted polytheistic
religious systems of the Roman empire, as well as his restless travelling was
an attempt to take a physical control all over the territory of the empire (in
psychiatric terms I would say he was a control freak...). Far from the
monotheistic revolution (or maybe better transformation), his effort was aiming
to a unification of the religious panorama under his guidance. His attempt was
almost successful except for Jewish and Christian monotheism, for which many
aspects of the Roman religious system were highly problematic, if not totally unacceptable.
Being a general under Trajan and then the governor of Syria under the Jewish
revolt of 115-118, not still completely solved at the beginning of his reign,
the emperor knew very well what tensions could have come from that side. In
this general frame, the restoration of the mausoleum of Pompey – which I
mentioned in the opening of this paper – as recorded by Cassius Dio and at the
light of Appianus’ passage, acquires a more complex meaning that the mere
celebration of the glory of Roman generals. Hadrian, in fact, will encounter a
second fierce resistance during the Bar-Kochba revolt in Palestine at the end
of his reign; and once again he will stop it as authoritarian empires are used
to, with a bloody, deadly war.
Selected Bibliography Antinoos, archaeological
evidence and cult H. Meyer, Antinoos: Die Archäologischen Denkmäler unter
Einbeziehung des numismatischen und epigraphischen Materials sowie der
literarischen Nachrichten, München 1991.
H. Meyer (ed.), Der Obelisk des Antinoos. Eine kommentierte
Edition, München 1994.
P. Nadig, Antinoos - Ein Paradigma der
heidnisch-christlichen Auseinandersetzung, in: R. von Haeling (ed.) Rom und das
himmlische Jerusalem. Die frühen Christen zwischen Anpassung und Ablehnung,
Darmstadt 2000.
E. Salza Prina Ricotti, Villa Adriana: il sogno di un
imperatore, Roma 2001.
C. Vout ‘Antinous, Archaeology and History’ JRS 95
(2005) 80-96. Ead., Power and Eroticism in Imperial Rome, Cambridge 2007.
Antinoopolis H.I. Bell ‘Antinoopolis: A Hadrianic
Foundation in Egypt’ JRS 30 (1940) 133-147.
M. Zahrnt ‘Antinoopolis in Ägypten’ ANRW II 10.1
(1988) 669-706.
O. Montevecchi ‘Adriano e la fondazione di
Antinoopolis’ in: J.M. Croisille (ed.), Neronia IV. Alejandro Magno, modelo de
los emperadores romanos. Actes du IVe Colloque international de la Sien,
Bruxelles 1990, 183-195.
P. Schubert ‘Antinoopolis: pragmatisme ou passion?’ CE
72 (1997) 119-127.
On papyrological evidence over cited J. Bollansée ‘P.
Fay. 19, Hadrian’s memoirs, and imperial epistolary autobiography’ Anc Soc 25
(1994) 279-302.
E. Livrea ‘Chi è l’autore di P. Oxy. 4352?’ ZPE 125
(1999) 69-73.
E. Magnelli ‘Note al P. Oxy. 4352 (esametri su
Antinoo)’ ZPE 122 (1998) 61-66.
P. J. Sijpesteijn ‘A new Document concerning Hadrian’s
visit to Egypt’ Historia 18 (1969) 109-118.
P. J. Sijpesteijn ‘Another Document Concerning
Hadrian’s Visit to Egypt’ ZPE 89 (1991) 89-90.
Hadrian A.R. Birley, Hadrian the Restless Emperor,
London-New York 1997.
M. T. Boatwright, Hadrian and the City of Rome,
Princeton 1987.
Ead., Hadrian and the Cities of the Roman Empire,
Princeton 2000.
E. Calandra, Oltre la Grecia. Alle origini del
filellenismo di Adriano, Napoli 1996.
A. Galimberti, Adriano e l’ideologia del Principato,
Roma 2007.
C.F. Noreña ‘Hadrian’s Chastity’ Phoenix 61 (2007)
296-317.
R. Syme, Fictional History Old and New. Hadrian. A
James Bryce Memorial Lecture delivered in the Wolfson Hall, Somerville College
on 10 May 1984, Somerville College 1986. Hadrian and Antinous ‘fortune’ in
modern culture F. Pessoa Antinous (1918). M. Yourcenar Memoirs d’Hadrien
(1951). Two monographs written for a wider audience: R. Lambert, Beloved and
God. The Story of Hadrian and Antinous, London 1984.
D. Danziger, N. Purcell, Hadrian’s Empire. When Rome
ruled the World, London 2005. Exhibition of ancient sculpture at the Henry
Moore Institute, Leeds, 25 May to 27 August 2006: C. Vout, Antinous: the Face of the Antique,
Leeds 2006. The British Museum’s exhibition in 2008: T. Opper, Hadrian. Empire
and Conflict, London 2008.
Δεν υπάρχουν σχόλια:
Δημοσίευση σχολίου